At the inauguration session of 'India Chem Gujarat 2011' conclave, Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi asked, "Why do we ..
Face The Facts On Riots, The double standards of pseudo-secularists

The double standards of pseudo-secularists have caused immense
damage to policymaking on riots.
We need to sober down and accept the facts on riots. On the
streets, riots are brutal, bloody and brazen. In our thoughts, they
are irrational, irritating and irreconcilable. As for discussions
on riots, they are between the deaf.
It is indeed an irony that the facts about riots in India in
different places are similar in terms of ground realities. The
responses from different administrations at different times are
widely comparable. Comparable too is the absence of conviction to
learn from inferences drawn each time, even after commissions of
inquiry submit their reports.
What is remarkably different, however, is the double standards
adopted during public dialogue, discourses and debates, in fixing
accountability. Several self-appointed purveyors of rights and
justice have gone around poker-faced with elastic yardsticks and
skewed arguments, causing immense damage to policymaking. As a
nation, are we afraid of facing the facts? Why do we accommodate
double standards put forth in the guise of objective analysis?
RIOTS OVER TIME : An attempt is made here to
compare the observations of enquiry commissions that have probed
major riots since 1969. The Tiwari Commission Report, submitted in
1984 to the Congress Government of Mr. Hiteshwar Saikia on the
Nellie massacre, has not yet been made public. On post Godhra, the
Nanavati Commission is yet to submit its report. The commissions of
enquiry set up to probe major riots since 1969 are as under:
1969 – Gujarat, , Jagan Mohan Reddy Commission.
1983 – Nellie, Congress , Tribhuvan PT Comm., Report not public.
1984 – Delhi, Congress , Nanavati Commission.
1989 – Bhagalpur, Congress , R C Prasad & Shamsul Hasan Comm.
1992 – Mumbai, Congress , Srikrishna Commission.
2002 – post-Godhra, BJP , Nanavati Commisssion report awaited.
If we compare the death toll in each of these riots, we find that
the Delhi riots left the highest number of dead. Every life is
precious and nothing can justify the death of a citizen, under any
circumstances. Here, therefore, the death toll is used only to
highlight the extent to which riots spread, or underline its
intensity.
1984: Delhi – 3296
1983: Nellie – 2191
2002: Gujarat – 1169
1989: Bhagalpur – 1070
1992: Mumbai – 900
1969: Gujarat – 660
DELAY IN CALLING ARMY : Imposition of curfew in
the affected areas is a critical step to keep troublemakers out.
But commissions have highlighted how outlaws everywhere thrive
during such deathly hours. While in Mumbai curfew was “…a
farce...did not deter mobs from moving about…” in Bhagalpur,
“police were afraid of violators”; and in Delhi, “mobs indulging in
violence were moving freely...looting and killing also freely.”
The Army is called in because its sheer presence brings a great
sense of security. And, hence, the sooner it is brought in, the
better.
Post Godhra, within 24 hours of the outbreak of violence, the Army
was airlifted from near the border with Pakistan. Riots began in
the afternoon of February 28, and the Army was deployed in all the
affected areas by 1100 hrs of March 1. Whereas, the Srikrishna
Commission says, “Four precious days were lost for the Chief
Minister to consider and issue orders as to effective use of army
for controlling the riots.”
In Delhi, the riots began in the evening of October 31; the Army
was not deployed till later on November 2, 1984. The Army took a
day further to become effective in some areas.
Army deployment can become ineffective due to various reasons. In
Mumbai, it was observed that there was “...no coordination between
the police and the army...found police actively participating in
riots and communal incidents.” In Bhagalpur the Army was
“...obstructed and inhibited by civic interference...”
“...appointments, transfers and postings had created chaos in not
preventing the holocaust”. It went to the extent of implicating the
chief minister himself “for frustrating the DG's efforts...” The
commission holds the Bhagalpur police and district administration
responsible for not only their failure in controlling riots but
also for “their involvement and anti-Muslim stance”.
In the 1992 riots, the then Chief Minister of Maharashtra was
blamed for specific omissions of duty. The Srikrishna Commission
said, “Despite clear clues, the miscreants were not pursued,
arrested and interrogated...” In contrast, the Gujarat State
Government had included the role and conduct of the Chief Minister
and ministers in the ambit of the Nanavati Commission.
AFTER THE RIOTS : There was a recent expression of
outrage over missing call records in Gujarat. The concern was
justifiable. The state Government explained that during the course
of the nine years, all the required documents had been submitted to
the various commissions. In contrast, the Srikrishna Commission
observed: “Commission was surprised that the audio cassettes
(containing transcripts of the Control Room) for December 1992 were
not available, though the Commission itself was constituted in the
third week of January 1993.”
In Delhi, the Nanavati Commission observed the police “...recording
general, vague and omnibus type FIRs”. In Bhagalpur, 688 cases were
filed. As many as 378 cases were closed for want of evidence. About
Mumbai, the Commission pointed to “the practice of classification
of offences being used as a tool by the police to short circuit
investigation — 55-60 per cent of the riot-related cases appeared
to be classified as ‘A' summary= True but undetected”. In
post-Godhra, after a court intervention, ‘A' summary cases were
re-opened, too. Nellie victims received only Rs 5000 for each dead
as compensation whereas, post-Godhra victims received Rs 5 lakh and
Delhi riot victims got Rs 7 lakh each.
Invariably after every major riot, serious attempts were made to
learn from our mistakes. However, after every major recurrence we
hung our heads in shame, unable to answer why we couldn't prevent
the next! Simultaneously, there were attempts to strengthen our
statutory and Constitutional institutions so that they could meet
challenges in keeping with the changing times. The uniform absence
of political will to usher in comprehensive police reforms, speedy
and effective prosecution, convictions after due trial are
confronting us uniformly from various states.
s a result, even major recurrences could not be prevented, be it in
Assam or Gujarat, Mumbai or Delhi. Now, for nearly 10 years there
has been no communal riot in Gujarat. Unfortunately we have had
reports from Bharatpur, and earlier from Hyderabad. The Chief
Minister of Gujarat submitted himself to be questioned. Yet, there
is a concerted attempt at getting him, rather than securing justice
for the victims. The silence of the pseudo-secularists on
suppression of the Tiwari Commission report on Nellie, and the
pittance given as compensation for the victims of Nellie, exposes
their hypocrisy.
NIRMALA SITHARAMAN (The author is spokesperson, Bharatiya Janata
Party. The views expressed are personal.)
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