The Supreme Court directed the government to inform the court on giving national monument status to Shriram Setu (Sethu)..
Towards another division of India? An insight at Hindu-Muslim Exclusivism

Both Hindus and the Muslims have sufficient ammunitions -some
real, some imaginary-to hurl at each other. The problem that stares
us in the face is: are we doomed to live side by side separately?
Would zjihadi ambience prevailing in several parts of the Muslim
world and in India’s neighbourhood jeopardize the country’s
territorial integrity and would the demographically increasing
Muslim population demand creation of another homeland?
It should not be forgotten that iHindu-iMuslim warfare, specific to
the subcontinent, has added to the ambiance of hostility. Globally,
iMuslim in the cyberspace has become a tool for spreading messages
of Islam, Quran, Sharia, Hadith etc. Specifically, the ijihad
websites spread messages of the need for jihad against the kuffar
in targeted countries.
“Muslims have creatively applied the Internet in the interest of
furthering and understanding of the religion for other believers,
especially those affiliated to a specific world view and in some
cases, a wider non-Muslim readership.” Systematic studies of
digital Islam has been made by Gilles Kepel, Bruce Lawrence,
Castells, and Peter Mandeville and several other authors. The US
and UK security agencies and certain universities carry out
systematic studies on this subject. Some of the important iMuslim
sites are MuslimSpace.com, IslamicTube.com, al-Islam.com,
Islamway.com, Al-Sistani.com, Al-Qaradawi.com, Alminbar.com,
jihad-algeria.com, Dirty Kuffar.com (Video), Tawhid wal Jihad,
Abualbukhary.org, Qudsway.com, IslamicTorrents, Islamicvideo.net,
Al-Quradawi.net, Al-needa, Badral-Riyyadh. Especially al Qaeda
related cyber sites are Alsakifa.com, Quqaz.com, al-ansar.net,
al-alali.net, saraya.com, sahwal.com etc. Jihad sympathizer’s cyber
nets are maktabal-jihad, jihadunspun.com, shareeah.com, kavakaz.tv,
ummahnews.com, kavakazcenter.net, kavakazcenter.info, Cihad.net,
Clearguidance.com etc.
In Pakistan and Bangladesh, blog spots, the websites of Markaz-ud
Dawa, Lashkar-e-Taiba, Harkat-ul-Jihad al Islami and
Muslimvoice.net actively preach jihad. Net savvy religious leaders,
and even some ulema run net-sites to propagate their brands of
Islam, supposed supremacy of Islam in the subcontinent and the need
for protection of minority rights. One common feature with some of
these websites is that they appear for certain period of time and
then disappear, to avoid detection and action. The al Qaeda and the
Taliban sites behave in the same manner. As far as blog spots are
concerned, there are too many web spots to monitor the regular
bloggers on Islamic and jihad related issues.
On the other hand, there are several iHindu websites which
broadcast Hindutva, danger to Hindu existence from Islam and
Christianity and emphasize the need for Hindu solidarity. So far,
no Hindu jihad websites have come to notice. But these sites often
spread communal messages and hatred in almost equal proportion as
the iMuslim websites do. Important Hindu cyberspace sites are:
[email protected], rishichintan.org, Awgp.org,
[email protected], Hinduview.com, mantra.com, Hindu.org,
Hindunet.org, Bengal underattack.com, Hindurise.com,
Hindurashtra.org, Begalgenocide.com etc.
A lot has been written by Indian scholars about spread of the
saffron cult. Some important readings are Khaki Shorts, Saffron
Flags by T Basu (Orient Longman), The Brotherhood in Saffron by
Anderson W and S D Damle (Vistaar Publications), Anatomy of a
Confrontation by S. Gopal (McMillan), Hindus and Others-G Pandey
(Viking), Syndicated Moksha- RomilaThapar (Seminar 313, 1985).
However, very little critical analysis of Muslim communalism has
been attempted by the established scholars and historians. In fact,
Indian researchers have so far not paid attention to the iMuslim
and iHindu websites and their contents. To understand the depth of
the conflict situation, it is necessary to regularly monitor these
cyberspaces and tailor the knowledge to scholarly treasures as well
as for national security needs. A mere study of Hindu communalism
is not enough to analyze the conflict situation and creeping growth
of jihad-sentiments amongst the Indian Muslims and Hindu
reactionary responses. Some auto-cyber monitoring software is now
available in western markets. These can be used by scholars and
security agencies to monitor the cyber warfare. Without that kind
of study, the sub-continental and global context to the meaning of
religious, cultural divergences and growth of militancy may not be
properly understood.
The Hindu reaction to alleged Muslim expansionism has been quite
pronounced. In chapter 16, a reference was made to the lingering
effect of the Bangistan concept of Ch Rahmat Ali. Over the last two
decades, another dimension has been added to this idea, i.e. the
pro and opposing propaganda about Mughlistan or Mughalistan. The
idea was floated by some Pakistan, Bangladesh and the US, UK-based
websites, demanding linking of Bangladesh with Pakistan by merging
the areas of the Indian Punjab, parts of Bihar and West Bengal and
Assam.
Young Muslim minds, affected by such propaganda, and the
countervailing effect on communally-singed Hindu minds have created
an ambience of electronic warfare, poisoning minds and accelerating
expectations and apprehensions. At least eight such website
propaganda by separatist Muslims and four websites operated by
Hindu protagonists have virtually added to the tensions in areas
where Muslims are gaining strident majority status in Assam, West
Bengal and Bihar. According to the Creeping Sharia, “Mughalistan,
the comprehensive plan for a second partition of India was first
developed by the Mughalstan Research Institute (MRI) of Jahangir
Nagar University (Bangladesh) under the patronage of the two
intelligence agencies, Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI)
and Bangladesh’s Director General of Forces Intelligence, DGFI. The
Mughalistan Research Institute of Bangladesh has released a map
where a Muslim corridor named ‘Mughalistan’ connects Pakistan and
Bangladesh via India.
“This Greater Mughalistan is of strategic significance as it will
provide a contiguous, strategic corridor linking the Ummah to a
pan-Islamic Caliphate. This pan-Islamic Caliphate has been nick
named as Islamistan (meaning Land of Islam), a synonym for ‘Islamic
World’ or ‘Dar-ul-Islam’. This geographical Islamic crescent will
link the Islamic Middle-East to Islamic South-East Asia, with the
new Islamic World stretching all the way from Morocco and Bosnia in
the West to Malaysia and Indonesia in the East.”
Though individual or institutional scholars have not yet commented
on the concept in India, there is ample expansion of the idea by
those who seek greater ‘Lebensraum’ for the subcontinental Muslims.
Such paranoid propaganda, both by Muslim fanatics and Hindu
reactionists, have created a virtual warfare which simmer below the
apparent peaceful surface.
Both Hindu reactionists and Muslim fanatics use the same data from
Census 2001. Two illustrations used by them apparently fortify
their points of view. While illustration 1 below tries to depict
areas of burgeoning Muslim populations in Assam, W. Bengal and
eastern Bihar, illustration II emphasizes the alleged alarming
growth of the Muslim population in the bordering districts of West
Bengal. Both illustrations courtesy Bengal Genocide.com; accessed
on 15.05.09
With such paranoid propaganda and assumptions that the inevitable
march of history would lead to another vivisection of India, Hindu
arguments have been fortified by reports by former Director IB,TV
Rajeswar, Lt. General SK Sinha (former Governor Assam), Arun
Shourie, and the Centre for Policy Studies (Religious Demography of
India). This stream of study and propaganda by the Hindu stalwarts
and championing of the reverse thesis by the All lndia Milli
Council, All Assam Minority Student’s Association, SIMI, Muslim
Liberation Tigers of Assam, remnants of the All India Muslim League
in West Bengal, Bengal Muslim Student Majlis etc organisations.
It would be fallacious to assume that such propaganda is confined
to eastern India. Ground studies indicate that the perception of
possible Muslim demand for Mughlistan, or a homogenous homeland in
the eastern parts of India is rocking almost all the corners of
India. As said in earlier chapters, certain positive actions taken
by the government in the aftermath of the Sachar Committee Report
have added fuel to the speculative fires. The perception of virtual
war has started assuming real shape.
The ambience of mutual doubt and suspicion has been aggravated by
the spectrum of the listed ‘failed state’- Pakistan, which
continues to be instable. Besides playing surrogate to the US in
Afghan mujahedeen wars, the state of Pakistan and its intelligence
agencies created a number of jihadi tanzeems in collaboration with
fanatic Islamist organizations, for carrying out Pakistan’s proxy
war in Kashmir and against India in general. The details of the
psy-warfare carried out by websites, printed materials to preach
messages of jihad and hatred against Hindu India have been
incorporated in earlier chapters. Pakistan- sponsored acts of
dastardly terrorism reverberated in the ghastly sea-borne attack on
Mumbai on 26/11 2008. Between 1990 and 2008, nearly 50 such
terrorist attacks on Indian soil have been attributed to Pakistani,
and Bangladeshi terrorists, and their Indian Muslim collaborators,
creating deep suspicion in Hindu minds – that the Muslims of South
Asia want another vivisection of India.
The jihadi ambience in the neighborhood, and both Pakistan’s and
Bangladesh’s involvement in the hate-Hindu tirades and violent
activities have increased the existing level of suspicion in Hindu
minds about Muslim loyalty to India. This suspicion has deepened in
several layers of the Hindu society. Coupled with the recent
history of pre-partition, high-pitched communal hostility, these
developments has widened the gulf between the Hindus and the
Muslims. A sizeable section of the Hindu fanatics do not believe in
the concept of living together separately; they consider the
Muslims as perpetual security risks for the country. Irrespective
of the existence of a large chunk of enlightened and secular
Muslims in different fields, such hate in the Hindu society equates
them with rabid Islamists.
These portents of identity crisis, both among the Muslims and the
Hindus, are very visible. Proverbial tolerance of the Hindus, which
helped them to survive several Muslim invasions, has started
weakening. Most Hindus believe that, irrespective of ideological
colours of the Indian Muslims, the community in general believes in
the Quranic dictum of jihad against the non-believers.
They prefer to quote Muslim scholars who have denounced jihad by
the sword, “Dr Fazlur Rahman, a renowned Islamic scholar, who had
to flee Pakistan and take refuge in the United States for his
allegedly moderate views on Islam, also agrees with al-Qaradawi.
Rahman asserts that ‘jihad (by the sword) becomes an absolute
necessity’ for instituting the religio-social world-order
underlined in the Quran. He asks: ‘How can such an ideological
world order be brought into existence without such means?’ Quite
puzzlingly, he then blasts what he calls Christian propaganda for
popularizing the slogan that ‘Islam was spread by the sword’ or
‘Islam is a religion of the sword.’ He, however, candidly agrees
that the sword came first in creating conducive environment before
Islam could be propagated. He writes,’ …what was spread by the
sword was not the religion of Islam, but the political domain of
Islam so that Islam could work to produce the order on the earth
that the Quran seeks…But one can never say that Islam was spread by
the sword.”
Gradual implementation of the Sachar Committee recommendations has
driven home shafts of suspicion in general Hindu minds, that the
Central and State governments are stridently heading towards
reservation in services, education and housing etc issues for the
Muslim minority. A feeling is firming up in Hindu minds that the
Congress and its allies are imposing religion-based reservation in
the country, pushing it to pre-partition conditions. The militant
Hindu fringe has become vocal. Such fear psychosis often leads to
alienation and adoption of extra-constitutional measures. This has
the potential of scarring the nation seriously. Perhaps a time has
come to review the entire reservation issue on the basis of
minoritism. Lack of political wisdom may push apart the communities
afar.
These aspects of debate that agitate Hindu mind can be elaborated,
but this volume is not dedicated to such contentious polemics. Both
Hindus and the Muslims have sufficient ammunitions -some real, some
imaginary-to hurl at each other. The problem that stares us in the
face is: are we doomed to live side by side separately? Is India
destined to revert to pre-partition hostility? Would zjihadi
ambience prevailing in several parts of the Muslim world and in
India’s neighbourhood jeopardize the country’s territorial
integrity and would the demographically increasing Muslim
population demand creation of another homeland? The secularism
practiced by India is limited to a legal concept and certain
peripheral aspects positively impacting sections of the Muslim
society. These approaches by the political parties and sporadic and
pedantic dissertations by the scholars, some blaming Hindus and
some castigating Muslims, cannot address the deep layers of
identity crisis or the cultural and religious conflict
situations.
Since there are no visible efforts to address the problems of Hindu
reactionism and Muslim separatism from any quarter, it appears that
India’s destiny hangs in the balance and that somehow the societies
have to live uneasily in separate ideological worlds in apparently
irreconcilable legacy of two worlds for two peoples. It is
difficult to predict what contours the history of India and South
Asia would take in another half a century. Only unbiased scholars
ready to undertake ground studies can come up with constructive
suggestions. I have painted the problems truthfully, but deeper
studies are required. India’s problems cannot be solved by
Sachar-type reports. A national study on communal divide and
harmony is required. Any bias against Hindu majoritism and Muslim
minoritism may aggravate the differences pushing the communities
tectonically. The history of this future battleground is uncertain
and requires attention from political minds, scholars and
historians.
Book – Battleground India Prognosis of Hindu-Muslim Exclusivism,
Writer – Maloy Krishna DharPage – 496Price – 599/-Publisher –
Vitasta Publishing Pvt. Ltd. 2/15, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New
Delhi-110 002
- Maloy Krishna Dhar (BhartiyaPaksha)
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