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Were caste equations always as bad as they are today? Not quite.
There were always castes but they were not backward.
Now that the Supreme Court has referred the matter of 27%
reservations to a Constitutional Bench it might be worthwhile
revisiting certain historical truths. Proponents of the 27%
reservation for OBCs argue that reservations would help them
overcome centuries of discrimination! However, if such animosity
really existed between the forwards and backwards, how could
the Indian Civilization have thrived for over
5,000 years?
A noted Gandhian, Dharampal visited British & Indian archives and
reproduced reports of Surveys undertaken by the British in Bengal,
Punjab and Madras Presidency (1800-1830). According to Collectors
reports reviewed by Governor Sir Thomas Munro on 10/3/1826, of the
30,211 male school students in Madras Presidency 20% were Brahmins
and Chettris, 9% were Vaishyas,50% were Sudras, 6% were
Muslims and others were 15%. Madras Presidency then consisted of
areas that fall in modern day Tamil Nadu, A.P, Orissa, Kerala and
Karnataka. Another report by J Dent, Secretary, Fort Geroge dated
21/2/1825 stated that out of 1,88,680 scholars in all collectorates
of Madras Presidency Brahmins were 23% while Sudras constituted
45%.
Startling as it may sound, these percentages establish that Sudras
not Brahmins comprised the majority of students and scholars.
How & Why do the Backward Classes find themselves in the situation
they are today?
Before British rule, traditionally, educational institutions were
funded by revenue contributions made by the community and State.
About one third of the total revenue (from agriculture & sea ports)
was assigned for the requirements of social & cultural
infrastructure (including education). This system stayed mainly
intact through all previous political turmoils. The British,
however, increased the quantum of land revenue and adversely
changed the terms of payment for the community. They centralized
collection of revenue, leaving hardly any revenue to pay for social
and cultural infrastructure.
Further, the means of the manufacturing classes (small scale
enterprises or SME in today’s parlance) were greatly diminished by
the introduction of European goods. Craftsmen especially those
engaged in the making of cloth, manufacture and mining of metals,
construction work were through fiscal and other devices reduced to
a state of homelessness.
Sapped for funds, educational institutions and manufacturing
classes became history, leading to grave consequences. One, it
obliterated literacy and knowledge amongst the Indian people. Two,
it destroyed the Indian social balance in which, traditionally,
persons from all sections of society appear to have received a
significant degree of schooling. Three, this destruction along with
economic plunder led to great deterioration in the status,
socio-economic conditions and personal dignity of those, now known
as scheduled castes; and to a lesser degree, that of the vast
peasant majority encompassed by the term ‘backward
castes’.
From about the end of the 19th century, various factors began to
attempt a reversal of the results of British policy. This led to
what are now known as backward caste movements. The manner, in
which their objectives are presented however, seems to suggest that
the ‘backward’ status they are struggling against is some ancient
phenomenon. In reality, however, their cultural and economic
backwardness (as distinct from their ritualistic status on specific
occasions) is post 1800, and what basically all such movements are
attempting to achieve is the restoration of the position, status,
and rights of these peoples prior to 1800.
Dharampal wrote in ‘Rediscovering India’, “For
the British, as perhaps for some others before them, caste has been
a great obstacle, in fact, an unmitigated evil not because the
British believed in casteless ness or subscribed to
non-hierarchical system but because it stood in the way of their
breaking Indian society, hindered the process of atomization, and
made the task of conquest and governance more
difficult”.
The interest in caste peaked around 1891 when the census came out
with what were termed as Index of Castes. The word
‘caste’ is of Spanish origin and fails to capture
the meaning of the Indian term, “jati,” which more properly
translated as “community.” Jati in traditional India promoted
and preserved diversity and multiculturalism by allotting every
jati a particular space and role in society so that no jati would
be appropriated or dominated by another. America, which has long
glorified the ideal of a “melting pot” of one assimilated culture,
is now coming to see the value of the “salad bowl”
model, in which different cultures co-exist in harmony. The epitome
of this model was the Indian jati system, revealing that our
ancient practices are relevant to the modern world. Moreover, the
jati system was integral to the survival of the Indian nation: in
Swami Vivekananda’s words: “Caste is an imperfect institution no
doubt. But if it had not been for caste, you would have had no
Sanskrit books to study. This caste made walls, around which all
sorts of invasions rolled and surged but found it impossible to
breakthrough.”
So, the widespread notion that discrimination in opportunity for
education existed for millennia is a dangerous misconception that
clouds our policies and threatens the real progress of the
backwards castes.
The logical next steps are that, one, caste based reservations must
come with a sunset clause as was envisaged in the Indian
Constitution. Two, since economic deprivation has led to
backwardness, economic backwardness should be the basis of
reservation. The apex court has said that the creamy layer in OBCs
must be denied reservations.
The reservations policy and caste-based
politics of the last sixty years have managed to make people more
aware of and narrowly identified by their caste, rather than
focusing on true social and economic integration. Instead of
increasing supply of education facilities, successive Governments
have over regulated the sector, stifling its growth. Under the
guise of protecting SME’s, government policy has made them less
efficient and does not allow economies of scale.
The words Caste and Class have become conflated together, when in
reality they refer to different phenomena. Also, the nomenclature
used to describe the backward classes keeps changing. In the 1890s
they were called The Depressed Classes. In the early 1930’s, Gandhi
named them Harijans. The Government of India Act 1935 introduced
the words Scheduled Castes for the first time. Since the 1990s, the
word Dalit has come into prominence.
Jats are a backward community in Rajasthan but a very powerful
community in neighboring Punjab. Is there a comprehensive national
definition of who constitutes an OBC?
There are multiple solutions to the Reservation problem that need
to be pursued simultaneously. One, Government should focus on
primary education only. Two, it must lay down a transparent
regulatory framework for higher education. This would increase
investment in education across various sectors. Three; it must lay
emphasis on vocational training that would make a graduate
employable. It should support institutions that provide short term
courses in retail, financial planning, analytics and pharma. Once
supply is enhanced and identity based reservation eclipsed, India
will have an egalitarian educational system where the only
affirmative action will be financial assistance to economically
weaker students.
Four, help students strike a work / life balance. Five, allow
student to expand their knowledge beyond mere academics and to
strengthen and explore their inner nature. Education should also
encompass Indian wisdom and thought. Six, success is enhanced by
the power of concentration so students must learn how to
concentrate. Lastly, students should be made to realize that a
degree is a passport to a job! Therefore, personality and character
count. All actions originate from thoughts. Pure thoughts result in
constructive deeds. The above ideas could help students be at peace
within rather than be caught in the chakravuya of
reservations.
With so much emphasis on education I remember Mark Twain’s words,
“I do not allow my schooling to interfere with my
education.”
By Sanjeev Nayyar In Hindustan Times Mumbai, June 4, 2007. [ [email protected] ]
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